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35% of children experienced some form of corporal punishment at least once per year. 26% of men 18-59 reported having been spanked or slapped by parent as a child. 61% of women report hitting, beating, spanking, or slapping their children.
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Read More »What explains this turnaround? Perhaps America lost interest because most Americans hit their kids, and most think that that is the way it should be. More than 70% of Americans agreed in 2012 that, “it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking.”[ii] Of course, there is a wide range in how people define ‘acceptable,’ both in terms of frequency and severity. Why do adults hit children? Whichever euphemism is used – “spank,” “smack,” “pop,” “whup/whip”—the goal is typically the same: to correct or to punish a child’s behavior by causing physical pain. In terms of altering children’s behavior in the short run, physical punishment is mostly effective. But questions remain about its long term effects, some of which we address in this memo:
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Read More »So: are parents who spank their children different on other dimensions of parenting? We investigate the relationship between parenting and corporal punishment using data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1979 (CNLSY). As in our previous Parenting Gap research, we employ the HOME-SF scale as our proxy for parenting quality, but limit our sample to children who were ages 3 to 5 in 1986, one of the survey’s largest cohorts, and for whom the HOME-SF scale information is available. The HOME-SF scale for children aged 3 to 5 includes 26 items—each its own proxy for “good” parenting. There are two designated items for corporal punishment. One self-reported item indicates how many times, if any, the mother hit her child during the previous week. The other item indicates whether the mother hit her child during the home observation. Figure 2 shows the distribution of responses, where N,N refers to a mother who did not hit her child in the previous week or during the observation. Nearly two-thirds of mothers reported spanking their children at least once in the two-week period. As might be expected, very few (5%) hit or spanked their children during the in-home observation. Scoring the HOME scale is straightforward. Each positive behavior earns the mother one point. For the purposes of the corporal punishment items: If the mother is not observed hitting her child, she gains a point. If she reports hitting her child no more than one time during the previous week, she gains a point. If both, she gains two points. If neither, her score is unchanged. Of course, given this mechanical relationship, it is inappropriate to compare raw HOME scores between mothers who hit their children and mothers who do not. To make a meaningful comparison requires removing any items on spanking from the scale. Figure 3 shows the results of such an exercise. The height of the bars indicates the raw HOME score, pre-adjustment; the darker blue height indicates the raw HOME score, post-adjustment. As expected, the gaps between mothers who hit and do not hit decrease by about one for both items.[iv] But the resulting gaps are miniscule—just over one-half of a point—and fall well within one standard deviation of the HOME score distribution. Most studies suggest, however, that spanking becomes problematic with increased frequency and/or intensity. After all, there is a big difference between spanking your child once a month and spanking him or her twice a day, or spanking lightly with an open hand versus aggressively with a belt. While we cannot observe spanking intensity, we do observe frequency in the data. Therefore, we replicate the above exercise in two ways—by frequency of spanking in the previous week (Figure 4) and by frequency across the two weeks (Figure 5). Although sample size limitations prevent us from looking at mothers who reported hitting their children more than five times in the previous week, it is clear that—at least up until five—there is little evidence of any relationship between spanking and HOME score, even taking frequency in to account. At most, there is a one point gap between mothers who did not report hitting their children in the past week and those who reported hitting them at least five times, but this result is swamped by the corresponding standard deviations. Looking across weeks, the conclusion is the same. Taken together, these results suggest that spanking is not a good predictor of parenting quality. That is, spanking is not systematically associated with other “negative” parenting behaviors.[v] There are some important caveats, however. We do not capture hitting by fathers or any other adults; nor do we have a measure of intensity of the hitting. Moreover, the highest number of physical discipline incidents that we look at—five incidents over the span of a week—is a low threshold and as such, our analysis may not capture negative parenting skills associated with daily, repeated punishment. These may well be big factors. But our overall finding is that spanking (by mothers, with no measure of intensity) tells us little about overall parenting skills. This contrasts with other parenting behaviors which have well-documented ‘spillover’ effects, such as reading books to young children. Replicating the approach taken above for the reading item of the HOME scale, we document significant differences in raw scores between mothers who read to their kids more than once a week and those who do not (Figure 6). Even after adjustment, there is a two-point gap in HOME scores, which is large in terms of potential impacts on child development.
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Read More »It is also worth noting that the U.S. is relatively unusual in terms of attitudes, prevalence, and legal sanctions. Hitting children is more culturally acceptable in American than in many other nations – not only by parents, but by teachers (corporal punishment in schools is still permitted in 19 states). In many nations, physical punishment of children has now been outlawed, even for parents. In the table below, we summarize the legal position with regard to hitting children in a selection of counties. ** Evidence is not comparable across countries. Each represents a finding of a specific study or poll with a unique sample and timeframe. For further information, please click the corresponding hyperlink.
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